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TRANSCULTURAL
ISSUES IN CHILD MENTAL HEALTH: WORKING WITH CHILDREN AND FAMILIES IN THE
MIDWEST OF THE UNITED STATES
First author. Martin Maldonado-Durán MD
Investigator,
Child and Family Center, Menninger Clinic
Child
psychiatrist, Family Service and Guidance Center
Adjunct
professor, infant psychopathology, Kansas State University
Address.
325 Frazier Avenue
Topeka,
Kansas USA 66604
Telephone
785 232 5005
Fax785
232 8611
Emailmaldo2000mor@aol.com
mmaldonado@fsgctopeka.com
2nd
Author. Velissarios Karacostas MD PhD. Child and adolescent
Psychiatrist. Cincinnati Children’s Hospital. Cincinnati, Ohiio. USA
3rd
Author. Charles Millhuff D.O. Child and
adolescent psychiatrist, Family Service and Guidance Center. Topeka, Kansas
USA
SUMMARY.
Drawing
from clinical experience in working with multiple settings in the Midwest
of the United States, the authors explore a number of parenting strategies
from a transcultural point of view. Parenting strategies that are clearly
meaningful only within a certain cultural context, are sometimes presented
as “scientific” more modern and advanced compared with practices used in
traditional societies and Third World countries.We
examine strategies of parents to promote self-reliance, individuation and
independence in their children sometimes since they are very young.The
importance of being strong, assuming one’s responsibilities and the consequences
of one’s actions are very important cultural themes.We
explore how parents deal with the cry of young children, how the approach
feeding and sleeping, and the question of discipline. The cultural themes
resonate across all these domains, where the strategies used by parents
are the logical consequence of the need to be an individual from the beginning
of life. We explore some possible reasons why in a highly industrialized
capitalistic society, with high social mobility and progressive nuclearization
of families, these strategies of parenting tend to foster emotional and
character traits that are suitable to survive in such a society.
Key
words:Transcultural. American culture.
Individuality. Infancy. Early childhood.
TRANSCULTURAL
ISSUES IN CHILD MENTAL HEALTH: WORKING WITH CHILDREN AND FAMILIES IN THE
MIDWEST OF THE UNITED STATES
Introduction
We
wish to present some of the most relevant transcultural issues that mental
health professionals encounter when working with families in the Midwest
of the United States of America.Our
focus is on the cultural factors that have an impact on how parents deal
with their children, their beliefs about child-rearing, their wishes and
hopes for their future andhow these
are translated in everyday parent-child relationships.
Our
point of view is transcultural in the sense that we look at the observed
themes and patterns “from outside” that is, without taking those practices
as “natural” and without question. People within their own culture tend
to see their practices as logical, rational and do not usually question
them.Here, rather, we examine some
parental beliefsand ways of dealing
with children from a cultural framework, i.e. questioning how they make
sense within their social group. Our
goal is not to “compare cultures” or to suggest that some cultural practices
are “better” than others, but simply to describe and reflect on the possible
reasons for those actions and their impact on the child and the family
as we see in our everyday clinical work. We position ourselves like other
researches in the past have done with traditional societies, where certain
myths, beliefs and practices and their meaning are discussed from an outsider’s
point of view trying to understand why people do what is observed.
An
important reason for our description and confrontation with these beliefs,
myths and practices is that many are readily “exported” to other countries,
given the role that cultural products from the United States have in many
other parts of the world. Beliefs and practices thatare
commonplace in the USA are often adopted elsewhere as if they were the
“most scientific” or ”advanced” prescriptions. In this way, ideas, values
and prescriptions about family relationships and child-rearing methods
described in a number of books, journals, magazines,television
programs, movies, etc. are presented sometimes as the latest advances in
the field. These are adopted as “universal truths” for instance among mental
health professionals, child developmentalists, etc.working
in Third World countries, without questioning their applicability, relevanceor
pertinence in other societal contexts.
The
Midwest of the USA
In
the Midwest of the U.S., much of the population is comprised predominantly
of Euro American families, i.e. descendants of immigrants from Europe,
in Kansas it is about80% of the
population. In the area of the Midwest that includes Kansas, Nebraska,
Oklahoma,Colorado,
Nebraska and Missouri many immigrants moved to these plains several generations
ago, primarily from Germany, but also from Britain. The majority of families
are Christian, of the various Protestant denominations. This is slowly
changing with increasing immigrants from Mexico, and some from Africa and
Southeast Asia.
There
is not a“Midwest culture”as
a uniform entity- andindividual
families vary vastly in their beliefs, practices and traditions. It is
clear that any given family’s ancestors and “myths”vary
and are quite specific depending on their history of migration, the unique
blending of traditions and beliefs, and the degree of acceptance of “modern
values”. Also, individual factors like the unique life histories of parents
and children determine their practices, as well as socio-economical status.
Despite all this, some common themes are fairly pervasive, particularly
among the more disadvantaged or poor Caucasian families.
Poverty
is a relative term, as what is considered poverty here might not be so
in Third World countries.In the
U.S. the definition of poverty corresponds to an income level for a family
is below a threshold: spending above a third of the family’s total earnings
to buy basic food items (Huston, 1991. Huston et al, 1994).
One
of the frequent observations with parents of young children is their relative
lack of exposure to parenting. Many children have grown up only in nuclear
families, with little contact with other relatives who are raising infants
or young children. The traditional transmission of parenting strategies
from one generation to the next may be interrupted by the nuclearization
of families, by the high social mobility and an emphasis on modernity.
Therefore new parents may find themselves without a behavioral repertoire
to deal with problemsand having
to rely on books or experts tosolve
problems related to children and parent child relationships (Maldonado-Duran
et al, 2002).
Commonparental
beliefs about children, child rearing and relationships
Self-reliance
and independence.
A
major theme, reflected in many parental practices, is the encouragement
of the child to become an individual and to rely on him or herself as early
as possible (Small, 2002). Many families in the Midwest idealize themes
like taking care of one’s own problems, not depending on other people and
not to become a burden to anybody: i.e. to be self-sufficient, responsible,
truthful and strong. These same themes and values are conveyed to children,
since they are very young.These
themes are related to a strong Protestant ethics that values work, being
self-sufficient, fiercely independent and relying on oneself (DeLoache
et al. 2000)
In
general, parents are very concerned about preparing their children for
their future. They want to ensure that the child will be strong enough
to resist life independently as an adult. This is more pronounced when
parents themselves have experienced a difficult upbringing. In those circumstances,
early losses, disruptions in attachment and disappointment force the child
to be less sensitive to emotions, to “weakness” andinterested
in self-reliance. The adultshope
may be that their son or daughter will attain enough independence and leave
home by the time they are 18 years old.
Another
worry isthat children should not
be “ spoiled” or made weak by beingindulged,
as this does not teach them self discipline and how to do things for themselves.
In a somewhat extreme version of this with families of toddlers in our
infant mental health clinic, we commonly hear parents complain that their
toddlers “do not pick up their toys” or that a preschool age child does
not “clean up his room”.Often the
expectations for self control are very high (Maldonado-Duran et al, in
press). The problem with these high expectations is that many children
who are more impulsive or have less self-control cannot live up to those
standards.
To
illustrate the cultural theme with a somewhat extreme example:
Ms.
M. a 23 year old woman comes to a parent support self-help group with her
two-month old daughter Ariel.
Several
members of the group speak about the issue of child behavior and discipline.Ms.
M. then says that her daughter is now throwing temper tantrums and she
is eager to talk about how to discipline her. She said that these tantrums
had to be eliminated soon because the baby might become spoiled if allowed
to have those rages. When other women said that perhaps she was too young
to be “disciplined” Ms. M. indicated that Ariel had to learn to control
herself, even if the hard way. She was worried that the child, if allowed
to get her way all the time, would become a “wimp”.
As
the mother talked about her own life history, she spoke of multiple disappointments
in her childhood and of how she had to be very tough to cope with multiple
attachment disruptions, placements in foster homes, and one imprisonment
for theft
The
topic of “toughness” and becoming strong is particularly important for
families who live in poverty, in troubled inner city areas, where there
is more violence and where many children are exposed to very crude circumstances,
many of them witnessing acts of violence or experiencing losses. Therefore,
being tough prepares the child to deal with violence, disappointments and
losses. This is particularly important for boys. On multiple occasions
we have observed that when a toddler boy falls down or has a small accident,
the mother or father tell the child “don’t cry, you are tough” so they
learn to cope with these situations by absorbing inward their pain and
fear while not showing any fear externally.
Recently
a 3 year old child- Nicholas- who is in foster care came to the consulting
room to be evaluated for “hyperactivity and non-compliant behavior” by
his foster mother. He had been in three prior foster homes because of frequent
temper outbursts and hyperactivity. He had been taken away from his parents
because of neglect related to drug abuse.As
Nicholas came into the room he had a bewildered look, eyes wide open and
was clearly shaking. He seemed utterly frightened of what might happen
in the office. As the child psychiatrist asked him if he was a little afraid,
he said (more to himself) with a reassured tone “I am never afraid. I am
afraid of nothing…I am tough”.
Dealing
with crying.
A
recent survey from Zero to Three, a national organization to promote the
needs of infants and toddlers (Zero to Three) finds that a significant
proportion of parents in the US ( about 40%) think that an infant, even
a very young baby, should be left to cry for a while and not soothed “too
soon”. They may fear that picking up the infant too soon will cause the
baby to be spoiled. In contrast with what happens in traditional societies
(Bensel, 2003) where parents tend to hold the baby when he/she cries or
hold the infant constantly. In the United States it is common to hear the
advice that the baby should be given a chance to first “calm himself”,
then if the baby does not succeed, parents might want to try first showing
their face, then talking to the baby and finally carrying the baby. From
this point of view a baby is “more competent” if he succeeds in calming
himself with his own resources, and without needing external intervention,
for instance by sucking his thumb.
Crying
is seen as a fairly undesirable behavior, particularly as the baby becomes
older, as in toddlerhood or the preschool years where it is feared to revealtoo
much neediness or demandingness.
As
a result of these premises, parents are often advised by pediatricians
and nursesto let the child cry by
himself and not to be too quick to reassure or calm, , even if intuitively
they would want to do it and would not mind picking up and holding their
child. However, given the professional recommendations to do otherwise,
parents think this is the best thing to do. Pediatricians trained in the
United States tend to get very little instruction or trainingon
child development and mental health (American Academy of Pediatrics, 1994).
They tend to embrace and use a purely “behavioristic” approach to the elimination
of problems or difficulties. For instance, in dealing with temper tantrums
in a preschool age child, the “standardadvice”
is for parents to ignore the tantrum. The hope is that the child will realize
this does not achieve his goals and will abandon them. However, many children
escalate and are unable to calm themselves, while their parents fear that
intervening helping the child to recuperate will “reinforce” the negative
behavior. Many parenting books use this same approach of purely behavioristic
mean to abolish undesired behaviors (e.g. Christophersen et al, 2002).
To
give an example of this “external view “ of the child that pays attention
mostly to obvious behaviors, rather than his inner world. In many day care
centers, parents are told that they should leave the young child there
despite his protests and wanting to be with the parent. It is thought that
if the child does not cry, then this is a sign that he is coping very well
with the separation, even if the youngster is just suppressing his vulnerability
and fear of separation.
Children
and sleep
Sleep
is a controversial issue, even in the United States. A recent study has
found that despite the “cultural prescription” that children should sleep
separately from their parents (not co-sleeping), a prescription that is
supported by the American Academy of Pediatrics, many parents do co-sleep
with their babies (Weimer et al, 2002), particularly Afro American and
Latino families, and this is the predominant practice in traditional societies
(Reimao et al, 1998, Yang et al, 2002). The majority of North American
books for parents giving advice (e.g. Ferber, 1986), suggest that the baby
or very young child has to learn to go to sleep by himself. That is, that
even the very young infant should not need any participation from adults
to fall asleep. Parents are then advised to put the baby in his bed when
drowsy so that the baby then fall asleep on his own. If the baby cries
parents should try to not intervene so the baby soothes himself to sleep.
The same recommendation is usually given about dealing with waking during
the night. In many parent-advice books, it is suggested not to respond
to the infant waking up and crying by picking up the baby, etc. but letting
the child cry for sometime after ensuring he is not sick, and induce the
onset of self-soothing mechanisms (Anders, 1992). This practice would seem
puzzling in traditional societies where children are routinely rocked to
sleep on the parents’ arms and the placed to sleep by the parent on the
bed, hammock, etc.It seems that
the advice given commonly in US books is a representation of the value
of self-calming, autonomy and doing things by oneself, as an individual
and not in co-dependence with anyone.
In
our clinical practice we often encounter parents who feel guilty because
they have “given in” and allow their toddler or preschooler to go into
their bed in the middle of the night or at sleep onset. They feel they
have done something wrong. Very often we deal with sleep onset difficulties
in children who need close physical proximity in order to calm and go to
sleep (for instance because of difficulties in sensory integration) and
parents who try to be very consistent and feel it they should not allow
the child to be with them, even if they would not mind it. Some of our
therapeutic interventions consist of an expert “giving permission” to parents
toexercise their intuitive behaviors
toward soothing and calming their children, for instance they are frightened
or ill.
One
of the questions is what can parents do if their child wakes up, cries
at night and after trying to let him cry for a half hour or more the child
still is crying, vomits and becomes exhausted while continuing to cry.
Clearly many children cannot cope with the expectation of self-soothing
and self-induced sleep and need more intervention from adults. However,
the “expert advice” interferes with parents’ intuition and wisdom to help
the child by physical proximity, holding, etc. In this case, the cultural
value of self-reliance interferes with parental intuitive behavior and
can exacerbate problems that could be easily remedied otherwise.
Feeding
and children
In
our clinical work we find a number of practices that are increasingly observable
in many families.
First,
there are considerable barriers to breastfeeding. In many hospitals, companies
that produce powder milk make a “gift” to the newborn baby of several cans
of milk before the baby goes home (Howard et al, 1994). Given that many
mothers do not know how to breastfeed (and many grandmothers did not breastfeed
themselves during the sixties and seventies), the difficulties involved,
plus the availability of the formula might make bottle-feeding more “practical”
and less problematic.
Breastfeeding
is not commonly practiced in public in the US, and many mothersfind
themselves having to “hide” (for instance in the bathroom of a shopping
mall) in order to breastfeed the baby. As a result a minority of mothers
(about 30% in the rural Midwest, Barton, 2001)continue
breastfeeding (Li et al, 2003), particularly among Afro Americans. In this
situation again, the “intuitive” behavior of breastfeeding is interfered
with by societal prescriptions about where it is permissible to breastfeed,
the interference of work hours and a space at work to breastfeed, and the
ready availability of formula from the first hours after birth.
Older
infants are often fed at a time separate from the time when their family
eats. In fact, in a significant proportion of families, its members no
longer eat together any of their meals, and at dinner time members eat
separatelyat times in front of
their respective televisions (Boutelle et al, 2003). Television viewing
has been associated with the current “epidemics” of obesity in children
in the United Sates which affects about 10% of all children and has an
even higher prevalence in adults. The higher the number of hours of television
viewing, the poorer the quality of the diet (Coon et al, 2002).In
fact, in many of the homes there is very little cooking and a high reliance
on “fast food” restaurants.
Perhaps
associated with the lack of experience in taking care of young children
and the diminished availability of parents or older adults to teach, many
young parents do not know how to feed their baby, how to prepare the formula
or deal with common eating difficulties, at times feeding too many juices
(Dennison, 1996) instead of protein, filling up the infant with liquid
and thus diminishing hunger, but with poor nutritional value (Hobbie et
al, 2000), this is one of the causes of failure to thrive.
Finally,
as the child gets older, parents have certain food traditions that may
run counter to a positive experience during eating. For instance, many
children are discouraged from talking during the mealtime, they are expected
to “clean up the plate” (i.e. eat everything on the plate), or “taste one
bite of everything”, even those items that they dislike. At times these
rules only lead to a “battle of wills” and may be counterproductive. In
most elementary schools in the US lunchtime is merely a matter of eating
(not socializing) and only 20 minutes are allotted to it, and in many schools,
it is forbidden to talk during the mealtime. The eating situation then
is seen as a purely physiological phenomenon (initroducing calories), rather
than as a social exchange.
Physicalcontact
By
comparison with traditional cultures, in the US there is relatively less
direct physical contact between a baby and his parents, and there is less
timeofcarrying
the child. Despite this, a number of new parents seem interested in learning
about infant massage (if offered to learn), as traditionally this is not
practiced as it is in other cultures. Usually the baby is carried only
intermittently, rather than for extended periods of time. Many babies spend
a long time sitting in “baby seats” or car-seats or swings in their home
in front of the television.
In
day care centers, caregivers are rather discouraged from touching young
children for fear of accusations of child molestation. Also, children are
discouraged from touching each other or to have much physical contact and
are admonished to “keep their hands to themselves” despite ethological
evidence about the importance of touch in child development (Eibl-Eibesfeld,1999).
Some authors have linked the relatively lack of touch or skin to skin contact
with problems like aggression (Field, 2000).Field
and her group have actually compared the rate of physical contact between
preschool children in the playground in France and the US. They find several
times higher frequency of contact between French preschool children. At
the same time there is several times a higher frequency of episodes of
conflict and aggression between preschool children in the US compared with
those in France. This same finding has been noted when comparing teenagers
in both countries inside a fast food restaurant (Field, 1999. 2002).
Parentsare
very busy, working long hours: in the U.S. there isno
one year of paid maternity /paternity leave as in many European countries.
The average maternity leave is of six weeks and it is not necessarily paid.
Therefore, working parents have to additionally cope with housework, cooking,
etc. after a long day in their place of employment. They try to find ways
to give the infant comfort , such as swings, baby seats, play-pens, in
order for the child to entertain himself without requiring as much physical
contact with the parents and direct one to one attention.
In
connection with the topic of touch, it must be remembered that until at
the beginning of the XX century, the standard pediatric advice in the United
States (e.g. Dr. Holt’s book for parents) was to not touch children except
when it was absolutely essential. Touch should be restricted to changing
diapers and changing positions. One should not play with children before
age six or so, lest they became overstimulated. The behavioral psychologist
Watson had similar recommendations on this issue. These admonitions still
can be seen in the way many young children are approached by their parents.
Touch
and physical contact can have a very positive effect in calming children,
diminishing aggression and helping with physiological regulation.Clinically
many parents benefit from learning about the importance of touch and using
it to calm, develop intimacy and help regulate young children (Eibl-Eibesfeldt,
1999). When “given permission” many young parents are eager to have a closer
contact with their child.
Discipline
strategies
Parents
tend to use a number of“distancing
strategies” to deal with children in order to teach them self-control and
discipline from very early on. For instance, even very young children(sometimes
as young as 12 months old) are given “time outs” at home and at day care.
Time outs are used very commonly to deal with many problems, from breaking
rules to non-compliance, to deal with aggressive behavior, etc. A time
out usually consists of having a child sit in one particular spot for a
number of minutes, where he cannot get up from there and there is no interaction
with other people during the duration of this “sentence” or while he “serves
his time”.
The
“common wisdom” is to give one minute of time out per year of the child’s
age, even when there is no empirical evidence that this is adequate for
the emotional development of children of various ages. Sometimes, sensitivechildren
are very scaredby this strategy,
as their natural bias is to seek proximity with their parent or teacher
when they are in distress.In some
centers, when the child is unable to remain silently sitting, the “count
of minutes” starts all over again so the minutes aggregate.
The
same can be said about other distancing techniques such as sending children
to their room, not talking to them, “grounding”or
withdrawing privileges.Not talking
to the child consists of telling the child that one does not understand
what he says when he is angry or “whining”, or that he cannot talk to the
adult in that tone, and only will be listened to when he can “talk nicely”.
Grounding
is used more commonly with older children and adolescents. In this strategy
the child is cut off from contact with friends, the opportunity to go out,to
talk on the telephone, etc. Unfortunately parents who are desperate to
gain control of their child may use this technique. At times in anger they
issue long “sentences’ of being grounded for several weeks or even months,
during which particularly a teen age child is unable to be with friends
after school. This creates a situation of great resentment and may well
exacerbate the original problem. Occasionally adolescents are in a situation
of long-term confinement andmay
think of running away to escape those circumstances.
Things
like toys, books, etc. can be seen as “privileges” and taken away as a
consequence for misbehavior.At times
this is labeled “ logical consequences”. For instance if a child throws
a toy, a “natural” consequence mightbe
to restrict the toy for a certain period of time that can go form one hour
to one week or more. The message is that the child has to control himself
at all times, and if he lost his temper he must pay the “logical” consequences
in hopes that the next time he will not do this. In the case of the more
impulsive, explosive or emotional child this strategy can be counterproductive.
Parents
often worry more about the strategies to eliminate undesirable behavior
in the short term and are advised to do so by professionals like pediatricians,
psychologists, psychiatrists, etc.A
cultural theme important to parents may be that no misbehavior should go
unpunished.Often, they worry that
if they do not give a negative consequence for every misbehavior, the child
will “get away” with an offense and continuemisbehaving.
In our clinical interventions we try to emphasize the importance of the
long term relationship between parents an d children , and not to adhere
rigidly to a “menu” of consequences for problem behaviors, but touse
more empathic strategies that may involve proximity, such as talking and
reasoning, modeling positive behaviortouching,
holding, and problem solving. Compassion also can be taught to the child
by the parent’s empathic attitude toward the child’s anger.
Each
society reinforces the values that are important for the perpetuation of
its structures. The emphasis on independence, on self-reliance, self-control
and the message that the individual is alone from the start in this world
tend to be strongly reinforced by many parents in the US. This is a country
of very high social mobility where in contrast to traditional societies,
people move comparatively more, families separate and there are multiple
losses and high distance between families. About half of all marriages
finish with divorce. One important question is whether this style of parenting
prepares children to be individuals, to be able to form attachments and
end relationships readily and to be able to cope with a social system that
requires such mobility and fluidity in relationships and bonds.
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